The World of Saddam Hussein
Sat12-30, 02:17PM Saddam Hussein reportedly executed-joy by Shi'ites he oppressed- resentment bySunnis across Iraq's violent sectarian divide
Saddam past two decades
 Saddam Hussein profile
 








Thursday, 4 January, 2001, 13:34 GMT
 
Saddam Hussein insists that the Gulf War was a victory for Iraq By Middle East analyst Gerald Butt Saddam Hussein, President of Iraq for the past two decades, has the dubious distinction of being the world's best known and most hated Arab leader. And in a region where despotic rule is the norm, he is more feared by his own people than any other head of state. A former Iraqi diplomat living in exile summed up Saddam's rule in one sentence: "Saddam is a dictator who is ready to sacrifice his country, just so long as he can remain on his throne in Baghdad." Few Iraqis would disagree with this. Although none living in Iraq would dare to say so publicly. The Iraqi people are forced to consume a daily diet of triumphalist slogans, fattened by fawning praise of the president.

The Iraqi leader stares down on his citizens


He is portrayed as a valiant knight leading the Arabs into battle against the infidel, or as an eighth-century caliph who founded the city of Baghdad. Evoking the glory of Arab history, Saddam claims to be leading his people to new glory. The reality looks very different. Iraq is bankrupt, its economy and infrastructure shattered by years of economic sanctions imposed by the United Nations following the invasion of Kuwait. Saddam Hussein remains largely isolated from his people, keeping the company of a diminishing circle of trusted advisers - largely drawn from his close family or from the extended clan based around the town of Takrit, north of Baghdad.

The path to power
 The Iraqi president was born in a village just outside Takrit in April 1937. In his teenage years, he immersed himself in the anti-British and anti-Western atmosphere of the day. At college in Baghdad he joined the Baath party. After the overthrow of the monarchy in 1958, Saddam connived in a plot to kill the prime minister, Abdel-Karim Qassem. But the conspiracy was discovered, and Saddam fled the country. In 1963, with the Baath party in control in Baghdad, Saddam Hussein returned home and began jostling for a position of influence. During this period he married his cousin Sajida. They later had two sons and three daughters.


Appearing on New Year's day 2001

But within months, the Baath party had been overthrown and he was jailed, remaining there until the party returned to power in a coup in July 1968. Showing ruthless determination that was to become a hallmark of his leadership, Saddam Hussein gained a position on the ruling Revolutionary Command Council. For years he was the power behind the ailing figure of the president, Ahmed Hassan Bakr. In 1979, he achieved his ambition of becoming head of state. The new president started as he intended to go on - putting to death dozens of his rivals.

Holding together a disparate nation
 
President Saddam Hussein might defend his autocratic style of leadership by arguing that nothing else could have kept such a vast and diverse nation united. And, for all that Saddam Hussein is criticised and reviled, his opponents have not been able to nominate anyone else who might hold Iraq together - with its Kurds in the north, Sunni Muslims in the centre and Shi'ia in the south. What the outside world calls terror, Saddam calls expediency.

The Kurds were persecuted
by the Iraqi regime
 
Some years ago a European interviewer nervously quoted reports that the Baghdad authorities might, on occasions, have tortured and perhaps even killed opponents of the regime. Was this true? Saddam Hussein was not offended. Rather, he seemed surprised by the naivete of the question. "Of course," he replied. "What do you expect if they oppose the regime?" But his tactic of imposing his authority by terror has gone far beyond the occasional arrest and execution of opponents. In attempts to suppress the Kurds, for example, he has systematically used chemical weapons. And in putting down a rebellion of Shi'ia in the south he has razed towns to the ground and drained marshland. Not that you would recognise the figure of a tyrant in the portraits that adorn every building and street corner in Iraq. Here you see Saddam, usually smiling benevolently, in a variety of guises and poses - in military uniform, say, or in traditional ethnic dress, or tweed cap and sports jacket; he might be surrounded by his family or be seen jiggling a young child on his knee - the would-be father-figure of the Iraqi nation.

A question of judgement

The fiction of Saddam Hussein as a benevolent ruler was exposed by two major and catastrophic miscalculations of foreign policy for which his country and his people have paid dearly.

His son was Uday was
injured in an attack


In 1980, Saddam thought he saw an opportunity for glory - to put Iraq at the forefront of the Arab world. He ordered a surprise cross-border attack on Iran. This was meant to be a swift operation to capture the Shatt al-Arab waterway leading to the Gulf. But Iranian resistance was far stronger than he had imagined. Eight years later, with hundreds of thousands of young people killed and the country deep in debt, he agreed on a ceasefire. Still, with enormous oil reserves, Iraq seemed to have the potential to make a swift recovery. An increase in oil prices, Saddam Hussein surmised, would speed up the country's revival still more. Frustrated by his failure to achieve agreement on a price rise by conventional means, the Iraqi president allowed his long-harboured resentment against Kuwait to get the better of him. On 2 August 1990, he made another costly blunder by ordering his army into the neighbouring Gulf state. Fighting qualities In the months that led up to the war of 1991, Saddam Hussein displayed qualities that still make him both adored and hated in the Arab world. On the streets of Arab cities he is admired as a leader who has dared to defy and challenge Israel and the West, a symbol of Arab steadfastness in the face of Western aggression. At the same time, Saddam is feared as a vicious dictator who threatens the security of the Gulf region as a whole. With his older and favourite son Uday crippled in an assassination attempt, his younger son Qusay now controls the elite Revolutionary Guards and the Special Forces which guarantee the president's grip on power. Gulf states and Western countries alike have come to realise that his grip is stronger than it seems - and stronger by far than his grasp of reality often appears to be. He insists that the 1991 Gulf War, which he famously described as the Mother-of-All-Battles, ended in victory for Iraq. By the same token, Saddam boasts that Iraq can shrug off any Western military attack. The Iraqi people have no choice but to nod in agreement. So it will go on until the moment comes for bombastic slogans to be replaced by a succinct epitaph to one of the most infamous dictators of the century. For the overwhelming majority of Iraqis, that moment can not come too soon.
The Personal History of
Saddam Hussein

 


The current leader of Iraq is was born on April 28, 1937, in a small village of al-Auja near the town of Takrit.
His early child hood
was spent in a mud hut in a mostly Sunni Muslim part of Iraq, which is approximately (100) one-hundred miles north of Baghdad. Hussein's father, Hussein al-Majid, died or abandoned the family (according to who is reporting the story), within a short time of his birth. Accurate records are difficult to obtain in a country where Hussein's birthday is celebrated as a national holiday. He was reared alone by his mother Subha, until she took a second husband, Ibrahim Hassan. Hassan, often said to have been brutal and a thief, was a sheepherder by profession and enlisted Saddam in his ventures. According to a former personal secretary of Hussein, his step father abused Saddam and sent him to steal chicken and sheep to be sold. This pattern continued until 1947 when, at the age of ten, he was allowed to move in with his mother's brother, Khayrallah Tulfah, in Baghdad. In Baghdad, Hussein began to learn more than reading and writing. His tutor, Khayrallah had been "cashiered" from the Iraqi army for supporting a "Pro-Nazi" coup attempt that failed. Khayrallah's bitterness towards the British and imperialism, soon was transferred to Saddam. In fact, some confidants of Hussein point to his relationship with Tulfah as a turning point in his political awareness. To demonstrate Tulfah's importance to Hussein, he was later made Mayor of Baghdad under the Hussein regime. Saddam finished intermediate school (roughly the equivalent of 9th Grade) at the age of sixteen, and attempted to be admitted to the prestigious Baghdad Military Academy. Unfortunately, his poor grades prevented him from doing so, and he became more deeply involved in political matters. In 1956, he participated in a non-successful coup attempt against the monarchy of King Faisal II. In 1957, he joined the Baath party, a radical nationalist movement. In 1958, a non-Baathist group of army officers succeeded in overthrowing the King. The group was led by General Abdul Qassim. In 1959, Saddam and a group of Baathist supporters attempted to assassinate Gen. Qassim by a day-light machine-gun attack. The attack was unsuccessful, but it helped to place Hussein in a leadership position in the Baathist movement and furthered the process of nationalist political indoctrination. After the attack, in which Hussein is slightly wounded, he fled to Syria. From Syria, he went to Cairo, Egypt where he would spend the next four (4) years. While receiving aid from Egypt, he finished high school at the age of twenty-four and continued his political education. While in Egypt, he was arrested on at least two occasions for threatening a fellow student and chasing another down the street with a knife, both for political differences. In 1961, he entered Cairo University School of Law, but did not finish his studies there. In 1963, a group of Baathist army officers tortured and assassinated General Qassim. This was done on Iraqi television. They also mutilated many of Qassim's devotees and showed their bodies (in close up) on the nightly news for more than one night. Saddam, hearing the news, quickly rushed back to Iraq to become involved in the revolution. And involved, he was, as both an interrogator and torturer at the infamous "Palace of the End", in the basement of the former palace of King Faisal. According to reports by Hanna Batatu (a government reporter), Hussein rose quickly through the ranks, due to his extreme efficiency as a torturer. The Baathist party split in 1963 and Saddam had supported the "winner" in the latest party struggle. He was appointed by Michel Aflaq to be a member of the Baath Regional Command. In 1964, Hussein was jailed by some "rightist" military officers who opposed the Baathist takeover. Through other political influence provided by his older cousin, General Ahmad Hassan al-Bakr, Hussein became deputy Secretary-General of the Baathists in 1966. In 1966, Hussein escaped from prison and set up a Baathist internal party security system known as the Jihaz Haneen. It was to serve as the continuation of his political and real rise to power in Iraq. In 1968, another major upheaval in Iraq gave Hussein the greatest opportunity for further advancement; his mentor, Gen. Bakr and the Baathist seized the government. Hussein was made Deputy Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council, in charge of internal security. At the age of thirty-one (31) he had acquired what could have been deemed the number two spot in the Baathist party. He would continue in the position for approximately the next ten years. During that time, he would continue to consolidate his power by appointing numerous family members to positions of authority in the Iraqi government. In his position of Deputy in Charge of Internal Security, he built an enormous security apparatus and had spies and informers everywhere in the circles of power in Iraq. During this time, Hussein also began to accumulate the wealth and position that he so relished as a poor sheep-herder in the desert of al-Auja. He and his family, now firmly entrenched in the infrastructure of the country , began to control the country's oil and other industrial enterprises. With the help of his security network and several personal assassins, Hussein took control of many of the nation's leading businesses. In 1978, Saddam had been working with othe r Arab nations to ostracize Egypt for it's diplomatic initiative in resolving Israel/Arab questions. An ally, President Hafez al-Assad of Syria, almost became the undoing of Hussein's ascension. If a Syrian/Iraqi federation were formed against Egypt, Assad, not Hussein, would rise to a position of greater power in the relationship. President Bakr would lead the federation with Assad as second in command. Hussein could not allow that to happen and began to urge the President to step down. Again with the help of his family and security apparatus, Hussein was able to accomplish his task. On July 16, 1979, President Bakr resigned, officially due to health problems, but in reality a victim of Hussein's political in-fighting. Moving quickly to consolidate his power, he called a major Baathist meeting on July 22, 1979. During the meeting, various family members and other Hussein devotees urged that the party be "cleansed". Hussein then read a list of names and asked that they step outside. Once there, they are taken into custody. A high-ranking member of the Revolutionary Command, the head of the labor unions, the leading Shiite member of the Command, and twenty (20) others are then systematically and personally killed by Hussein and his top party officials. During the next few days, reports indicate that as many as 450 other military officers, deputy prime ministers, and "non-party faithful" were rounded up and killed. This purge insured Hussein's consolidation of power in Iraq. In 1980, Iraq invaded Iran and conducted an eight year war against one of his nearest neighbors and the home of Shiite fundamentalist Muslims. Again, because it appeared that the Shiites could be a threat to his continued dictatorship, the Kurds (Iraqi minority) were sprayed with poison gas for participating with the Iranians in an attempted overthrow of his country. The war continued for eight years of brutality and even repression of Hussein's own countrymen (especially the Kurds). In 1988, after millions being killed, Iraq and Iran conduct a cease-fire and ended the bloodshed. By 1984, as many as 1.5 million Iraqis were supporters of Hussein and the Baathists. He continued to enlarge his security apparatus and army. In insidious ways, the party apparatus formed numerous government agencies to control and manipulate the citizens of Iraq. A statistical analysis of the population indicated that as many as fifty per cent of the Iraqis or a member of their family were employed by the government or military. The party and the people have become one. Hussein's domination of the country is complete. Even the war against Iran didn't end the peoples support for Hussein, although some small protests did dampen the population's support for the conflict with Iran. Ultimately however, the war with Iran only strengthened Hussein's resolve and, in some eyes, causes him to become a "hero" of Arab nationalism. This brings us to the chapter of Hussein's life that has not been thoroughly researched and written. It involves the 1990, summer invasion of Kuwait over a dispute about oil prices and political control of the Persian Gulf. The subsequent United Nation Resolutions and United States intervention in the defense of Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and other nearby countries will undoubtedly impact on the history of Saddam Hussein. Hussein has managed to survive the loss of a large portion of his army, a major psychological defeat, and control of the Northern and Southern part of Iraq, yet he continues in power in Iraq. His resilience is extraordinary, and so far he has managed to elude the allied powers, who would like to see him replaced as the leader of a major Middle-Eastern country. One thing is sure, Hussein is a man who is filled with pride. He is firmly entrenched in the history and culture of Iraq. If past history can serve as a guide, in regard to his future behavior, one can expect that he will use all of his resources to exact revenge against those that defeated him. The most viable route for revenge, by Hussein and Iraq, is the conduct of terrorist operations. No one should discount his future involvement in actions against the United States or her allies.
Saddam Hussein Saddam Hussein is a very, very bad man.

But he's a Renaissance bad man -
 a genocidal maniac with a collection of anthrax and bubonic plague samples, a power-mongering invader who married his cousin, a writer of romance novels and Broadway-style musicals, a dinner companion to Donald Rumsfeld and a recurring character on South Park. Then he was a rebel leader, just like Princess Leia, only less cute and less righteous. And possibly without the assistance of the Force. And now, he's the Prisoner in Cell Block H. Or rather, Cell Block X — the one you never come out of. Hussein was born in a small village in Iraq in 1937, where he joined the Ba'ath party at an early age. Iraq had once been one of the pinnacles of world civilization, but that was several centuries ago. By the time Saddam came on the scene, the country had track marks from repeated invasions out of Europe, most recently by the British. At the time of Saddam's teen years, anti-British sentiment was at its peak, due in large part to the Allies' support for creating Israel after World War II. By the 1950s, Iraq was in a fair amount of turmoil. A military coup declared the country a Republic, but Hussein's Ba'ath cronies made their own move and seized power in 1963. Although the party held power for the next several years, the chaos continued with rotating figureheads and lots of executions. What better time to be a rising young despot? Saddam married his cousin (a woman by the name of Sajida), fathered a couple of kids (including son Uday Hussein), and kissed a lot of asses as he bided his time. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, Iraq repeated the cycle of coup, countercoup, and counter-countercoup, in several bloody iterations. The Kurds, an ethnic faction in Northern Iraq, staged occasional civil wars, with no success, even as the Soviet Union "took an interest" in the country's doings.


Hussein flitted in and out of exile for several years, attending law school in order to sharpen his blood lust. Like Adolf Hitler, Saddam spent time in jail brooding over his inexplicable lack of absolute power and resolving to do better next time. In 1979, enough top people were dead that the nation turned to Saddam Hussein. Or rather, Saddam Hussein turned on the nation, taking control after the resignation of his predecessor (who had been more or less his puppet for several years anyway). Hussein immediately executed many of his political opponents, quickly setting the tone for his regime (he's nothing if not consistent). He launched into a war with neighboring Iran, which for the world and the United States in particular, was one of those situations where you don't quite know who to root for. According to the official Iraqi government Web site, Saddam "Led the Iraqi people an army wisely and bravely against the aggression initiated and launched against Iraq by Khomeini's regime on September 4, 1980, which ended in Iraq 's great victory on August 8, 1988." The historical record offers a somewhat different version of events, with Iraq invading Iran in a war which ended with that most ignominious of conclusions, a U.N. brokered cease-fire. During the Iran-Iraq war, Hussein used poison gas on his enemies, and not just the ones in Iran. Those pesky Kurds tried Revolution No. 9 (more like 99, or 999), and they got a face full of toxins for their trouble. Saddam's move to gas the Kurds is a great talking point for some U.S. propagandists who gleefully note that the "Butcher of Baghdad" has "gassed his own people." The Kurds were poisoned mostly with Mustard Gas, which blisters the skin and lungs, as well as Nerve Agents and good old-fashioned cyanide. The downside to the whole "gassing his own people" angle is, of course, that the United States under President Ronald Reagan was actively supporting Iraq with logistical and military assistance at the time, in one of those little "proxy wars" with the Soviets that always turned out so well.




In the late 1980s, Reagan dispatched a very special envoy to the Middle East, one Donald Rumsfeld, who wined and dined Saddam even as the dictator was slicing and dicing the Kurds. Rumsfeld claims he warned Saddam about those bad old chemical weapons at the time, but the warning somehow got lost between his uttering it and the notes he submitted to the State Department describing the meeting. U.S. companies were recruited and encouraged, both covertly and overtly, to ship poisonous chemicals and biological agents to Iraq, by the administrations of both Reagan and George Bush Sr., according to the Washington Post and numerous other reports. The CIA also followed up on these efforts with various military and intelligence assists. U.S. care packages to Saddam included sample strains of anthrax and bubonic plague, which must have seemed like a really fucking great idea to someone at the time. With U.S. assistance and on its own initiative, Iraq also reportedly developed new and improved toxins, such as ricin and sarin gas. Torture was another tool in the Iraqi dictator's arsenal. When interviewed by a British reporter who nervously asked him if he used torture against his political enemies, he seemed puzzled by the question. "Of course," he said. "What do you expect if they oppose the regime?" Public sentiment in the U.S. slowly turned against Hussein into the early 1990s, what with all the gassing and killing and torture and whatnot, but policy lagged behind. Seeing the secular Iraq as a bulwark against the Islamic fundamentalists in Iran, the U.S. kept right on kissing Saddam's ass until he decided to invade Kuwait in 1991. At that point, the gloves came off. It's one thing to slaughter your own people in genocidal attacks with outlawed weapons, but it's another thing entirely to screw with the steady output of black gold, the life's blood of the world. President Bush Sr. successfully united a coalition of nations and led an invasion that drove Iraq out of Kuwait and destroyed much of the country's infrastructure.


The Iraqi government saw this development differently, according to Saddam's online resume, which includes the bullet point: "Led his country in confrontation the aggression launched by 33 countries led by US. which waged war against Iraq, the Iraqis' confrontation of which is called by Arabs and Iraqis as the Battle of Battles (Um Al-Ma' arik) , where Iraq stood fast against the invasion, maintaining its sovereignty and political system." Once the oil supply was secured, everyone cooled down, and the coalition decided to leave Saddam in power. He promptly returned to his prior policy of killing people, and the U.S. (now under President Bill Clinton) promptly returned to its policy of not giving a shit. The outright support of Saddam had now ended, of course, replaced with a series of tough economic sanctions. The sanctions helped kill even more of the Iraqi people, thus sparing Hussein the trouble of having to do it himself. As the Clinton era faded into a sex-soaked afterglow, it took about 30 seconds for the new George W Bush administration to start rumbling about Iraq. The rumbling really didn't have any legs, however, until the September 11 attack which leveled the World Trade Center and damaged the Pentagon. Almost immediately after the attack, Bush started making noises about Iraq, and the world started getting nervous. Although the attack was immediately blamed on al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden, there didn't seem to be much of a distinction between the two in the president's mind. Bush explained the connection to reporters in 2002: "This is the guy who tried to kill my dad." Around the same time, Bush's national security advisor Condoleezza Rice further explained the situation by saying "No one is trying to make an argument at this point that Saddam Hussein somehow had operational control of what happened on September 11." Note the phrase "at this point." The administration's attempts to tie al Qaeda and Iraq were controversial, largely because of the massive dearth of facts to support the contention. While no one doubted there was some degree of overlap between al Qaeda and Iraq ("the enemy of my enemy is my friend"), there has historically been little love lost between the two. In the aftermath of the devastating U.S. invasion of 2003, a hoarde of soldiers pored over Iraq with a fine tooth comb but found little convincing evidence that Hussein and Qaeda had any noteworthy connections, and no evidence at all that Iraq had any significant role in the September 11 attack. In fact, al Qaeda long considered itself an enemy of the Hussein regime. al Qaeda is an organization based on religious fundamentalism, the strictest and most inflexible interpretation of Islam, while Iraq is a secular regime with a history of waging war against Islamic fundamentalist regimes, namely Iran. Even as Saddam Hussein was gassing Iranian forces during the late 1980s, Tehran was providing critical support in the formation and financing of al Qaeda. Furthermore, Hussein repeatedly tried to manipulate the Muslim community into supporting his regime against the U.S. with shameless appeals to a religion for which he generally has no use. In an early 2003 statement denouncing U.S. plans to invade Iraq, Osama bin Laden nevertheless made a point of dissing the Hussein regime's moral bankruptcy (as opposed to his own self-perceived status as a paragon of moral rectitude). But no one ever let a lack of pretext get in the way of a good war, and Saddam Hussein didn't exactly try to avoid the inevitable. In March 2003, the juggernaut arrived in Iraq, despite opposition from nearly the whole world. Unlike in the first Gulf War, the U.S. sent ground forces into the country immediately and launched repeated "decapitation" strikes in attempts to assassinate Hussein, who stubbornly refused to die as requested.


U.S. forces took over the country in fairly short order, but Hussein and his sons were nowhere to be found. Once or twice a week, the U.S. news media engaged in an orgy of speculation that the dictator was finally dead, but he kept on resurfacing in tapes and broadcasts, urging the Iraqi people to resist the U.S. occupation. Somewhat improbably, his exhortations were actually working, right up until he got caught. Although Bush declared "major combat" in Iraq a victory in May, the head of U.S. armed forces in Iraq said in July that an organized resistance was waging a guerilla war against the occupation, raising the prospect that U.S. troops might have to stay in the country for years to come. The prospect of a long-term guerilla war was also complicated by new revelations that the U.S. and British basically had no real evidence that Iraq was hoarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, the primary justification for the invasion. Under Hussein, Iraq repeatedly violated various agreements regarding weapons inspections, to the point that even the bleeding heart liberals assumed he actually did possess terrible and dangerous weapons. However, none of those terrible and dangerous weapons were used in an attempt to repel the U.S. invasion, and a vast search effort found absolutely zilch-zero Biological Weapons, chemical weapons or nuclear weapons (as of this writing). If the guerrilla war drags on for months or years, the U.S. could find itself in deep trouble with Middle Eastern Muslim states in light of the utter lack of evidence that Saddam was doing any of the things the Bush administration accused him of. The administration can always fall back on colorful anecdotes, of course, if the evidence doesn't bear out their war-mongering. For instance, did you know that Saddam was so relentless in his pursuit of evil that he didn't even consider the proposition made by former Italian porn star, la Cicciolina, who offered to be the Butcher of Baghdad's fuck-toy in exchange for world peace. Now that's nefarious!


With all this evil to perpetrate, you wouldn't think Saddam Hussein would have had a lot of spare time on his hands, but his literary output suggests otherwise. He wrote a romance novel after the first Gulf War, called "Zabibah and the King," about a kind-hearted leader whose virtuous bride is raped and killed by a painfully unsubtle allegorical stand-in for the U.S. The king avenges her death, then attempts to give constitutional-style freedoms to his people. The effort backfires, leaving the kingdom in chaos, just in case anyone had any doubts about the way Iraq is currently being run. The book was adapted into a musical in 2001, which would in fact be the second musical inspired by Saddam Hussein. The first one was a movie: "South Park: Bigger, Longer and Uncut," which featured Saddam as the gay lover of Satan in hell. In addition to a show-stopping number entitled "I Can Change" (sample lyrics: "It's not my fault that I'm so evil, it's society, society!"), Saddam wields a dildo and plots to take over the world. He is eventually vanquished by an electrifying outburst of obscenity. Presumably, some portion of the ongoing Iraqi resistance was being led by Saddam, but that's actually fairly uncertain, even at this late date. It will become clearer in the next few weeks, when the resistance either a) becomes less or b) becomes more, either a) because or b) despite the fact that Saddam Hussein has been captured. And that's the end of our sordid tale. After nine months, more than $87 billion in U.S. spending, and more than 400 American lives lost, and some 8,000 plus Iraqi civilianss killed as well, and after alienating three quarters of the world (give or take a quarter), the U.S. does appear to have apprehended the butcher of Baghdad.

A Clean Well-Lighted Place for Dictators

On Sunday December 14, 2003, something amazing happened. While hiding underground in a tiny dirt hole, Saddam Hussein was captured alive by the 4th Infantry Division of American Special Forces. High Value Target Number One was in exactly the kind of condition you'd expect after enduring the nine months of freedom afforded by Operation Enduring Freedom. Saddam's appearance and demeanor were described by infantrymen and reporters alike as dirty, filthy, haggard, homeless, scraggly, scrappy, weakened, weary, and wobbly -- in alphabetical order. George W. Bush's bid to earn just a whisper of his father's approval had finally paid off. "I am Saddam Hussein," the former dictator spoke in fractured boobly English while clutching a small pistol. "I am the president of Iraq and I want to negotiate." The pistol was taken from him without argument, and DNA later confirmed his identity. One soldier replied tartly, "President Bush sends his regards."


The layout and decor of Saddam's underground hideaway hole were a far cry from his former palaces of indescribable luxury. It turns out family members had given him up, directing intelligence toward a mud-brick hut ten miles south of his childhood home in Tikrit. As troops secured the perimeter, there could be no hiding his warm body from the detection of even third-world infrared scanning techniques. Saddam's rent-controlled "area" was equipped with wall-to-wall dirt and not much of a view. Utilities not included. His Unabomber-sized quarters had one small entrance from above: a filthy piece of flapping cloth and a styrofoam icebox lid painted to look like a concrete slab. Not much of a skylight. Soldiers reported as they descended the ladder, they could hear Saddam scrabbling with rocks, attempting to cover himself up with dirt. Maybe it just should have put the lotion in the basket.
 


What soldiers found was a cave littered in filth and squalor; complete with garbage, plastic bags, empty bottles, rotten fruit and a broken chair. Among the items inventoried from Saddam's hideout: a handful of Bounty and Mars brand candy bars, hot dogs, a can of 7-UP (the un-Cola), a long, black Arab robe, two T-shirts, two pairs of white cotton boxers, a pair of slippers with gold-colored buckles, old textbooks, stale bread, leftover rice, and dirty dishes. How did Saddam breathe down there? A tin exhaust pipe strung up with salami and figs served as a ventilation duct. Outside the hole, a ditch appeared to have been set up as a makeshift toilet. Also confiscated were two AK-47 rifles and $750,000 in U.S. currency. Not even Saddam trusts the Euro. Saddam was trapped, "literally like a rat," according to anchorperson Tom Brokaw, and taken prisoner "in a truly pathetic manner." He seemed resigned to his fate, and reaction among the Iraqi community ranged from joy to embarrassment that he hadn't put up a struggle. Former Clinton advisor George Stephanopolus was incredulous, wondering aloud why Saddam hadn't simply killed himself. As images of Saddam being checked for head lice and probed with a tongue depressor were trumpeted across the world in violation of the Geneva Conventions, White House staff declared the Bush administration a "gloat-free zone". NASDAQ surged, but ultimately the capture of a weakened, dottering old man is only vaguely symbolic, and about as politically significant as the inevitable incarceration of Don Knotts. The new Iraqi government, such as it is, wisely jumped ahead of any U.S. statement to declare that Saddam would face a Nuremberg-style show trial for his War Crimes. Despite this, the Vegas line gives 3-to-1 Saddam disappears into the same bottomless pit that has swallowed such al Qaeda big-shots as Khalid Shaikh Mohammed and Hambali. Within moments of his capture, he was moved to that ubiquitous "undisclosed location" for what we can only presume is a little stress and duress treatment. If he ever comes out, we'll let you know. No matter how many pieces he's in.